Father Coughlin goes on...

Father Coughlin continues to rant against Jews worldwide yesterday. He now is fixed Jewish Banking claiming that it is all part of a vast conspiracy.

Despite his Anti-Semitic remarks, it appears the Catholic priest is well-liked among the American public. Americans have gathered to let their voices be heard claiming that when Hitler gets here, he'll change things for the Jews.

The Roman Catholic Church does not condone Father Charles Coughlin's beliefs.

Father Coughlin continues to Anger

Father Charles Coughlin, a Roman Catholic Priest and Radio broadcaster, again brought scathing anti-Semitic remarks into his religious radio broadcast.

He leads a political party by the name of the Christian Front out of Detroit. He led the National Union for Social Justice until its transformation into the Christian Front last year. He has claimed that there is a Jewish-Bolshevik Threat to the United States. He has also joined in with the Isolationists in saying "Less care for internationalism and more concern for national prosperity."

The Roman Catholic Church has said that they can only disagree with the priest. They cannot make him stop using the radio as a medium to reach the masses.

He again made inflammatory remarks on his November 30th broadcast. With the increasing violence against Jews in Europe, there are murmurs that Coughlin is accepting money from the Nazis. It may be possible. He has been growing further critical of FDR in the past four years and praised Hitler for his anti-Jewish policies.

He has also found it harder to fund his radio broadcasts as of late. Even with a 1 million and more circulation of his journal Social Justice Weekly. It is assumed that he must be accepting money from abroad. Not even the Bishop of Detroit could fund this.

This journalist assumes the FBI to look into any Nazi connections the priest may have. If the agency is not currently doing so, then get to it!

Catholic Priest takes on Jews in Radio Broadcast

Father Charles Coughlin of Michigan has a radio broadcast and he is using it. His broadcasts have increasingly favored Hitler and Mussolini.

Now, two weeks after the pogroms of Germany and Austria, Father Coughlin has been making anti-semitic remarks in his broadcast. In the most recent, November 20th, he said "Jewish persecution only followed after Christians first were persecuted." This was a reference to the many Christians killed by Russian Marxists during the Russian Revolution. He has also said that the Nazi Party is essential to hold the Soviet threat in check.

The Roman Catholic Church has yet to comment.

War of the Worlds

People throughout the United States were panicked the night of October 30th during a strange broadcast of the Mercury Theater on CBS Radio.

Many Americans were confused by the format of the hour-long broadcast. It used the format of narrative mixed with planned interruptions that were fake news flashes.

Orson Welles and the Mercury Theater on the Air program have been criticized by many newspapers. The radio play also used a real location with Grovers Mill, New Jersey rather than England in the original novel by H.G. Wells. This and the heightened tension many Americans feel following the recently resolved Sudeten crisis led many to a state of panic.

Some people called the local CBS Radio to see what was really going on particularly in the areas of New York and New Jersey.

Jack Paar was doing the announcing duties that night for Cleveland CBS affiliate WGAR when the phone lines to the studio started to light up with panicking listeners calling in, Paar attempted to calm them on the phone and on-air by saying, "The world is not coming to an end. Trust me. When have I ever lied to you?" When the frightened listeners started charging Paar with 'covering up the truth', he then called WGAR's station manager for help. Oblivious to the situation, the manager advised Paar to calm down, saying it was "all a tempest in a teapot".

CBS informed officials that listeners were reminded throughout the broadcast that it was a performance.

The program was sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and CBS itself. For this reason, there was no need for commercial interruption. The expected commercial interruptions would have helped listeners distinguish between fact and fiction. The resulting mass hysteria could have been averted.

Roosevelt begins his 2nd term as President

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt began his second term as 32nd President of the United States with his second inauguration held today at the White House.

For the first time the inauguration of the President was held on January 20, pursuant to the provisions of the 20th amendment to the Constitution. Having won the election of 1936 by a wide margin, and looking forward to the advantage of Democratic gains in the House and Senate, the President confidently outlined the continuation of his programs. The oath of office was administered on the East Portico of the Capitol by Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes.

The inauguration took place at the Eat Portico of the White House. Vice President John Nance Garner also took his Oath of Office at the Inaugural Platform. This is the first time for this event as well.

President Roosevelt than proceeded to address the nation on its future. He also addressed the landslide victory that occurred on Election Day. Although some experts predicted a close race, Roosevelt went on to win the greatest electoral landslide since the beginning of the current two-party system in the 1850s, carrying all but 8 electoral votes. Roosevelt carried every state except Maine and Vermont. By winning 523 electoral votes, Roosevelt received 98.49% of the electoral vote, the highest percentage since 1820.

Here follows the entire content of President Roosevelt's inaugural Address which was broadcast on Radio.

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My fellow countrymen. When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision—to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit of happiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We did those first things first.

Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively we recognized a deeper need—the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization. Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered. For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.

We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease. We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.

In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.

This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation. At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution. A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people.

Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives.

Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct. They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.

Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase—power to stop evil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections. The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.

In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government. The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes of a democracy—has been shattered. They have been challenged and beaten.

Our progress out of the depression is obvious. But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things. Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials. By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.

In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit. Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned. We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics. Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays. We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.

This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such. We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.

In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned. Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness. We are moving toward an era of good feeling. But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.

For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.

Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual. With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.

Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For “each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision. Comfort says, “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says, “This is a good spot.” Timidity asks, “How difficult is the road ahead?”

True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair. Vitality has been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mental and moral horizons have been extended.

But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances. Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering. The times were on the side of progress.

To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult. Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest already reappear. Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster! Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.

Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?

I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations. I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.

But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens—a substantial part of its whole population—who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.

I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.

I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.

I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.

I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.

I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.

But it is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you in hope—because the nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders as superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.

If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to comfort, opportunism, and timidity. We will carry on.

Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well. They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.

Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people. It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts. It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.

If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained. They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.

Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization. In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together. In our personal ambitions we are individualists. But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people.

To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility. But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need. Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization.

In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.

While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

- President Franklin D. Roosevelt

King Edward VIII reign is over

The Abdication of King Edward became complete today with the accession of his brother Albert to the throne. Prince Albert will now be styled as King George VI.

The King's coronation will follow at another date as is tradition.

Prince Edward addressed the British people via the BBC radio broadcast. In the address, he said "I have found it impossible to carry the heavy burden of responsibility and to discharge my duties as king as I would wish to do without the help and support of the woman I love".

It is believed that Prince Edward will travel to France where Mrs. Wallis Simpson is already after the reaction she received in Great Britain.

Television

Television halls accommodating 3,000 have been opened throughout Berlin where one may view the Olympic Games. Unfortunately, the results are very close to zero.

You cannot see Olympics by television yet. All that you can are some men dressed like athletes but only faintly distinguishable, like humans floating in a milk bath. Only the polo games show up fairly clearly when black or chestnut ponies are used. All white objects are divined, rather than seen, as vague blurs in a milky mess.

There are three television "guns" on the Olympic Field and two television vans covering events outside the stadium. Witleben station sends the pictures by the two transmitters to eighteen separate halls and rooms. The largest holds 300 spectators, but television is not yet sufficiently developed to handle successfully such a difficult project as covering the Olympics.

Athletes who stay in the Olympic Village because the y have competitions scheduled for the following day get a chance - for what it's worth - to see the games via television, for a special theatre has been set up for them in Hindenburg Assembly Hall.

Radio is till the most reliable transmitter of Olympic results. Twenty transmitting vans are put at the disposal of the foreign media along with 300 microphones. Radio broadcasts at the Olympics are given in 28 different languages.

Further Details of the Uprising in Morocco

In this sultry, tense atmosphere, some Socialists last week leaned out of their headquarters windows in the North African garrison town of Melilla in Spanish Morocco and brashly booed a regiment of the famed Spanish Foreign Legion, marching home from drill. The Legionnaires broke ranks, threw the Socialists out their own windows. At this a huge revolt, carefully planned, erupted into plain view and silence descended on Spain.

General Francisco Franco Bahamonde deserted his post on the Canary Islands, hastened to Melilla, took charge of some 20,000 rebellious Legionnaires, regulars and Moorish native troops. Within a day the rebels controlled all Spanish Morocco, a 200-mile strip of coast across from Gibraltar. When they began broadcasting from the Ceuta radio station, pretending to be the Seville station, announcing the surrender of Madrid to the rebels, sympathetic Army garrisons throughout European Spain joined the revolt. They were defeated in Barcelona and Seville but seized the southern ports of Cádiz and Málaga for a landing by the Moroccan rebels, skirmished in Burgos, Pamplona, Valladolid and Zaragoza. Government planes soared over strongholds dropping, first bombs, then leaflets urging soldiers to rebel against their rebellious officers.